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Book Review

By Siri P. Kumar, Peter Flügel

Vol. 23 · No. 012001pp. 70 - 82English

Summary

"This book, authored by Ravindra K. Jain, is a sociological-anthropological study of North Indian Digambara Jains. It uses the metaphor of the samavasaraṇa—a cosmic Jain audience assembly—to frame an internal view of Jain community structure, as opposed to prior studies that approached it externally (notably by Carrithers and Humphrey). Jain critiques their Weberian lens and proposes a ""field theory"" approach, drawing from Bourdieu to analyze the alignment between social stratification and religious roles. A) The book is structured in seven chapters: i) Introduction to Jainism – Offers comparative insights into Jainism, Hinduism, and Buddhism, with an emphasis on Jain atheism. ii) Sources and Sectarian Structure – Discusses Jain textual traditions, sectarian divisions, and highlights Digambara engagement in medieval state politics. It incorrectly maps sectarian splits in a diagram. iii) Digambara vs. Shvetambara – Contrasts the two traditions across cultural models: lay organization, monastic structure, and charisma, relying heavily on and critiquing Carrithers. iv) Shvetambara Monastic Hierarchy – Outlines internal hierarchies and caste dynamics, citing Cort and others, and highlights differences in monastic ranks and lay uniformity. v) G.P. Varni Case Study – The longest chapter, based on Varni’s Hindi autobiography, portrays the role of lay ascetics (brahmacārī, kṣullaka) in social and religious mobilization. It outlines their intermediary function between householders and munis. vi) Fieldwork in Baraut (U.P.) – Discusses intra-community cleavages (e.g., caste, region, sect) and competing influences between Kanji Svami’s reformist appeal and traditionalist institutions like the Digambara Jain Mahasabha. vii) The Kanji Svami Panth Conflict – Chronicles the 1980s dispute around the Kundakunda-Kanha Trust and tensions within the Digambara Terapanthi fold. Reveals political and material stakes behind factionalism, citing the involvement of elite sponsors like the Sahu Jain family. B) Critique and Contributions: i) Strengths: a) Offers ethnographic access to G.P. Varni’s biography and Kanji Svami controversies. b) Introduces internal community dynamics and non-doctrinal tensions in modern Jainism. c) Methodologically innovative in suggesting a new sociological path rooted in Bourdieu’s theory of religious fields. ii) Limitations: a) Relies heavily on secondary sources (Carrithers, Cort, Dundas). b) Some claims lack empirical evidence (e.g., rigid dichotomy of hierarchy models between sects). c) Methodological issues like unmarked quotations and diagrammatic errors are noted. d) Underrepresents the diversity within Śvetāmbara laity and Digambara monastic ranks. iii) Counterpoints (from reviewer): a) Śvetāmbara traditions also have intermediate religious statuses (e.g., brahmacārī sangha). b) Both sects exhibit formalized pre-monastic categories and educational structures. c) The depiction of munis as doctrinally “pure” is critiqued for overlooking their political affiliations.\

Conclusion

Despite its uneven structure and over-reliance on prior scholarship, Jain’s work is praised for its ethnographic richness and critical reflection on the sociology of Jainism. It contributes to evolving methodologies in Jain studies, particularly through its internal, field-based lens. However, key assertions warrant further empirical support and methodological clarity.

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