A Demographic Analysis on Jains in India

Summary

Jains constitute a very small section of India's population; 3.19 million Jains accounted for only 0.48% of the total population in the 1981 census, ranking sixth among religious groups after Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and Buddhists. The study traces demographic trends by decade from the 19th century to the early 1980s using census tables. Jains experienced gradual decline in numbers from 1881 to 1921 and minimal growth in the next thirty years. In the post‑independence period the community roughly doubled from 1.62 million to 3.19 million between 1951 and 1981. The decadal growth rate varied widely: early decades saw declines of 6.47% during 1901‑11, moderate gains of 6.28% in 1931 and a pronounced rise of 28.48% between 1961‑71. The 1970s, however, recorded only 23.17% growth as fertility declined despite declining mortality. Analysis of population dispersal shows that Jains are highly concentrated. Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, together with Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh, account for about three‑quarters of the community; nine‑tenths of all Jains reside in just six states. Rajasthan has the highest proportion of Jains relative to its population (1.82%), followed by Maharashtra (1.50%) and Gujarat (1.37%). Urbanization is a striking feature: about 64% of Jains live in cities and towns, the highest urbanization level among Indian religions. Sex ratios are comparatively favourable (941 females per 1,000 males), in contrast to the more male‑biased ratios among Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. Average household sizes are slightly larger than those of Hindus and Buddhists but lower than Muslims and Sikhs, reflecting joint family structures and high social cohesion. The study examines district‑level variations: the majority of districts show moderate growth (10–50%) between 1971‑81, but a few districts with large Jain populations exhibit extremely rapid or slow change. Greater Bombay, Kolhapur, Belgaum and Ahmedabad each have more than 100,000 Jains and together account for over one‑fifth of the total. The article concludes that differences in growth reflect fertility patterns, urban migration and socio‑religious factors. Low fertility among Jains—driven by taboos on widow remarriage, emphasis on asceticism and late marriage—explains slower growth compared with other communities. Urban concentration stems from trade, business and educational opportunities historically favoured by Jains. Demographic analysis underscores both the resilience of the community and the demographic challenges posed by high urbanization and low fertility.