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Religious Policy of Aurangzeb

By Sri Ram Sharma

Vol. 12 · No. 3September - 1936pp. 391-412English

Summary

Aurangzeb's reign (1658–1707) saw a notable effort to convert Hindus to Islam, often linked to rewards, reinstatement, or resolving disputes. Conversions began around 1660 and continued until his death. Key instances include: - **Hindu converts like Hari Ram Bhagat (Dec 1666)** received daily allowances, while others, such as Surat Singh and Ram Das (Feb 1667), were honored with robes. Dismissed revenue officials (*Qanungoes*) who converted were reinstated, like four in April 1667 and Parmanawd in May 1667. - **Strategic reinstatements**: Devi Chand (July 1671) regained his command after conversion. In 1670, Chanda (a collaborator of Budh Prakash) sought conversion to secure a zamindari, which Aurangzeb granted. - **Failed attempts**: Murari Dass (Jan 1670) resisted conversion despite incentives, while Raja Sahu (May 1703), Shivaji’s grandson, refused conversion attempts. - **Later conversions**: By 1707, over 1,130 converts were recorded, including nobles, prisoners, and officials. Notable cases include Jairam (1682), Bhim Raj (1702), and Shiv Singh (1703). Conversions often served political or administrative purposes, such as resolving disputes or rewarding loyalty. While some converts received honors or reinstatement, others faced resistance or skepticism. The policy reflects Aurangz

Conclusion

This study of Aurangzeb's religious policy reveals a calculated use of conversion as both a tool for political consolidation and a mechanism for addressing administrative grievances. The emperor systematically incentivized religious conversion through reinstatement of dismissed officials, grants of land, and symbolic honors, demonstrating a pragmatic approach that transcended mere religious zeal. Notably, conversions often followed petitions for reinstatement or land disputes, suggesting a transactional dynamic where Islam served as a means to resolve conflicts and strengthen loyalty. While the scale of conversions appears modest relative to the empire's population, their strategic timing and material rewards underscore the policy's role in reinforcing Aurangzeb's authority during periods of military and administrative strain. The documented cases, though likely underreported, highlight a deliberate imperial strategy that blended religious ideology with realpolitik, leaving a lasting impact on Mughal governance and social hierarchies.

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